The 2020–2021 farmers' struggle in India: a post-Marxist detonation?

India has been witnessing a continuous wave of popular people's movements against the policies brought forward by the ruling right-wing central government led by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) during its second term in power which began in 2019. Starting with the Citizenship Amendment Act and the protests against its implementation since late 2019 (S. Deb Roy, ‘Locating Gramsci in Delhi's Shaheen Bagh: Perspectives on the Iconic Women's Protest in India', Capital & Class, 45:2 (2020), pp. 183–189), the right-wing government faced strong criticism of its poor management of the crisis faced by the migrant workers during the first wave of the Covid-19 Pandemic in India. The recent addition to the wave of people's movements is the Kisan Andolan (Farmers' Movement) against the ruling BJP government since September 2020 (See https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/new-farm-bill-2020-who-is-protesting-why/articleshow/78179693.cms [Accessed 30 March 2023]). The largest democracy in the world has been gripped by a massive wave of protests by the agrarian populace at the borders of Delhi, the capital of India. The popular movement against the ruling Central Government led by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) is rooted in the recently passed farm laws, namely the ‘Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020' (See http://egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2020/222039.pdf [Accessed 30 March 2023]);the ‘Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020' (See https://www.prsindia.org/billtrack/farmers-empowerment-and-protection-agreement-price-assurance-and-farm-services-bill-2020 [Accessed 30 March 2023]);and the ‘Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020' (See https://www.prsindia.org/billtrack/essential-commodities-amendment-bill-2020#:~:text=The%20Essential%20Commodities%20(Amendment)%20Ordinance%2C%202020%20allows%20the%20central,is%20a%20steep%20price%20rise [Accessed 30 March 2023]). These laws which have been enacted to bring forward further corporate and capitalist control over the agricultural production of the country have not been received well by the people at the heart of the agricultural production of the country—the farmers. © 2023 Critique.

Marxismo e Serviço Social: palestra do Professor José Paulo Netto

Os manuscritos ora apresentados constituem a transcrição — ainda que com algumas adaptações — da palestra proferida pelo Professor José Paulo Netto, em 29 de setembro de 2020. Desde logo, informamos ao leitor que o presente texto passou pelo crivo do palestrante que, depois de atenta leitura, aprovou-o para publicação. A atividade supracitada foi organizada pelo Programa de Pós-Graduação em Serviço Social, da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina. Como já estávamos enfrentando a crise sanitária decorrente da pandemia da Covid-19, a palestra foi realizada na forma de um Webinário, com a minha mediação. Na ocasião, o Professor José Paulo Netto abordou o tema Marxismo e Serviço Social: elementos para pensar a pesquisa, a produção do conhecimento e os desafios do trabalho dos assistentes sociais. Como destacamos já à época, o professor José Paulo Netto tem um carisma inquestionável e uma competência intelectual amplamente reconhecida. Trata-se de uma exposição sobre o tema feita por um dos mais importantes marxistas da atualidade no Brasil. Suas contribuições ultrapassam as fronteiras do Serviço Social, tanto brasileiro como latino-americano, caribenho e europeu. José Paulo Netto tem contribuído para o debate da teoria social marxista e, por isso, tem também reconhecimento em outras áreas do conhecimento, o que acaba por fortalecer o próprio Serviço Social brasileiro, haja vista que é um agente desta categoria. Quem o conhece sabe que a sua produção intelectual é acompanhada pela militância política, no contexto das lutas anticapitalistas. Não por acaso, José Paulo Netto recebeu a insígnia de ser um marxista sem repouso, não só pela sua contribuição no âmbito da academia, mas também pela sua capacidade de problematizar e colocar luzes sobre as pautas e as lutas da classe trabalhadora. A exposição de José Paulo Netto que agora chega ao público também em forma de uma publicação escrita por esta edição da Revista Katálysis foi realizada num período imediatamente precedente à publicação daquela que já tem sido reconhecida como uma de suas mais importantes produções intelectuais. Trata-se do seu livro Marx: uma biografia, que foi lançado no final de 2020 e que deu forma a um sonho que perseguia o autor desde a sua adolescência. Este sonho, talvez mais do que poderia ele imaginar, tem ganhado força social na medida em que tem suscitado nos estudiosos do marxismo, principiantes ou não, questionamentos importantes sobre o nosso tempo histórico a partir da obra e da vida de Karl Marx, o que evidencia a atualidade do seu pensamento para orientar as lutas pela emancipação humana.Alternate :The following manuscript results from the transcription — albeit with some adaptations — of the lecture given by Professor José Paulo Netto, on September 29, 2020. The text was reviewed by the speaker himself, who, after careful reading, approved it for publication. The aforementioned event was organized by the Postgraduate Program in Social Work, at the Federal University of Santa Catarina. Since we were already facing the global health crisis resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic, the lecture was held in a Webinar format and coordinated by me. During the occasion, Professor José Paulo Netto addressed the theme entitled Marxism and Social Work: reflections on research, knowledge production, and the challenges of social workers' practice. As we pointed out at the time, Professor José Paulo Netto has undeniable charisma and widely acknowledged intellectual competence. The theme was tackled by one of the most important Marxists in Brazil today. His contributions surpass the boundaries of Social Work, both Brazilian and Latin American, Caribbean and European. José Paulo Netto has enriched Marxist social theory in general and, therefore, he also has an impact on other areas of knowledge, which further strengthens the Brazilian Social Work, since he is a representative of this category. Those who know him are aware that his intellectual career is accomp nied by a life of political militancy, in the context of anti-capitalist struggles. Not by chance, José Paulo Netto has received the title of being a restless Marxist, not only for his efforts in the academic field, but also for his capacity to challenge and shed light on the agendas and struggles of the working class. This lecture by José Paulo Netto which now is brought to the general public in the form of a written piece, published in this issue of Katálysis Journal, was held right before the release of what has already been recognized as one of his most important intellectual works. His book Marx: a biography, which was released in late 2020 and fulfilled one the author's teenage dream. This dream come true, perhaps more than he could have imagined, has gained social force to the extent that it has raised in scholars of Marxism, beginners or not, relevant questions about our historical time from the work and life of Karl Marx, which highlights the relevance of his thought to guide the struggles for human emancipation.

Capital, Capitalism and Health

The Covid-19 pandemic has contributed to increased scholarly attention to an important ‘human need': good health. This article is about the relation between workers' health and capitalist production, as Marx examines it in his magnum opus. While Marx's main focus in Capital Volume 1 is on the production of surplus value by workers and its appropriation by capitalists, he does provide insights into how capitalism ruins the health of workers themselves, although these insights are scattered. In this article, I systematically re-articulate and analyse Marx's thoughts about workers' health in relation to some of the key-categories of his political economy: the value of labour power relative to wages;employment precarity;long working day;hidden abode of production;capitalists' despotic control over workers;and the capitalist transformation of nature. I briefly relate Marx's ideas about workers' health from Capital Volume 1 to some contemporary research on the social dimensions of health. I also show that Marx's explicit ideas about workers' health, which are my main focus, point to a broader approach to the topic that is only implicit in his thinking. I draw out some practical implications of this approach.

Lessons from the stigma of COVID-19 survivors: A Marxist criticism appraisal.

Stigma refers to devalued stereotypes that create barriers for stigmatized individuals. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the stigmatization of survivors worsened existing inequalities and triggered mass hysteria. The paper delves into the stigmatization experienced by COVID-19 survivors and the role of Marxist criticism in analyzing this issue. The main findings from the empiricist tradition approach suggest that the perception of COVID-19 stigma is higher among those who are older, belong to ethnic minorities, lack social support, have manual occupations, and possess lower levels of education. The proposed destigmatization pathways include psychological counseling services, social support, and health education. Employing a Marxist perspective can aid in illuminating how economic practices and material conditions influence prevalent ideologies related to stigma. The stigmatization of COVID-19 survivors may be perceived as a consequence of social power inequality, although the current emphasis on individual characteristics as triggers for stigma may neglect the wider systemic forces in operation. Thus, it's crucial to establish improved social care policies to combat exploitation and oppression due to power imbalances. The ultimate objective of such an examination is to identify effective approaches to tackle and eradicate stigma regarding health-related concerns. An interdisciplinary approach integrating a pluralistic perspective would benefit investigating how social systems and individual attributes contribute to the exacerbation of social inequality and stigmatization.

Análisis de las Apps Covid en la Unión Europea: entre la excepcionalidad y la protección de los derechos fundamentales

Los retos a los que se enfrenta la Unión Europea crean en ocasiones situaciones de tensión, en las que la organización debe responder al mismo tiempo a la protección y garantía de los derechos fundamentales de su ciudadanía, y a necesidades de índole global que excepcionalmente requieren la suspensión de esos mismos derechos por un bien mayor. Este fue el caso durante la pandemia de 2020, en el que la Unión Europea y los Estados miembros decretaron cuarentenas en contra de la libertad de movimiento, para restringir los contactos e intentar contener los contagios. En este contexto se produjo también una implementación de políticas digitales para afrontar la gestión de la crisis, en concreto nos referimos a las aplicaciones covid de rastreo y vigilancia de los contactos entre individuos. Estas aplicaciones estaban sujetas a los requisitos y garantías del marco legislativo comunitario, que hemos visto evolucionar en los últimos dos años, para hacer frente a la creciente digitalización de los servicios públicos. El caso de las aplicaciones covid es paradigmático para observar cómo se ha producido esa adaptación. La injerencia de los estados de forma excepcional durante la crisis, pero regulada hoy en instrumentos de coordinación comunitarios, ha creado nuevos marcos de navegación en internet. Los usuarios cuentan ahora con un nuevo nivel de protección de sus datos personales y su derecho a la privacidad, que si bien venía garantizada por el Reglamento de Protección de Datos (679/2016), ha dado un importante paso adelante con la aceleración de la digitalización de la administración durante la pandemia. Además, a través de una crítica desde la teoría contractual, podemos ver cómo la Unión Europea ha respondido a las dinámicas globales a nivel de normativa digital, priorizando hoy un sistema de contrapesos y límites tanto a las empresas como a las administraciones públicas, en su intercambio con los usuarios en internet. Las aplicaciones covid materializan esas limitaciones y garantías de protección de los usuarios (esencialmente de su privacidad y derechos fundamentales), que nos llevan a plantear la creación de un nuevo contrato social digital, igual que se ha transformado en otras ocasiones para responder a cuestiones como la clase, el género, la raza y la ecología.Alternate :The challenges facing the European Union (EU) can sometimes create tensions, in which the organization must answer both to the protection and guarantee of the fundamental rights of its citizens, and to global needs that exceptionally require the suspension of those same rights for the greater good. In its liberal political tradition that believes in the existence of a public and a private sphere, it has established systems of checks and balances, rule of law and stable institutions to protect the rights and freedoms of its citizens.Yet sometimes these must be suspended in cases of exceptionality for their own preservation. This was the case during the 2020 pandemic, when the European Union and its member States decreed quarantines against the consolidated and fundamental freedom of movement of persons, to restrict contacts and try to contain contagions. In this context, digital policies were also implemented to deal with crisis management, like Covid applications for tracing and monitoring contacts between individuals. This invasion of the private sphere of citizens had to be accompanied by a set of limitations and guarantees, to protect this inherent and private individual's right. These applications were subject to the requirements of the European legislative framework (the commonly known acquis communautaire), which included several legal instruments laid out by the EU to create a framework to guide the performance of its member-state Governments on this matter. Apart from the GDPR and the ePrivacy Directive, we underline the importance of Recommendation (EU) 2020/518 that connects health rights, health management and data protection;and also, the importance of Communication 2020/C 124 I/01 th t set a series of ideal elements to guide apps functions, and established the importance that it is Government agencies that manage digital apps, so there is a guarantee of the protection of citizens' rights. Through the comparative study of how apps were managed when they first appeared in 2020 throughout most of 2021, and how apps evolved (both in management and use) in 2021 and throughout 2022, we can address the evolution of EU policy on digital matters, which have meant to create new frameworks for internet navigation. At first, there were 24 different apps for the 24 out of 27 Member States who decided to create and promote the use of these instruments among their citizens. Most of them were managed by national authorities (except for Austria and Romania who were managed by Red Cross and a local NGO respectively), and were developed by a public-private collaboration, or only public agencies.At the end of the crisis, at least politically since societal weariness and the economic crisis rendered it difficult to keep up the restrictions introduced in the spring of 2020, in June 2021 the EU created its GreenPass or vaccination passport.This policy was implemented in most countries and even though 24 different national health services were still in place, they all used the EU passport, available to citizens via their national health websites or apps. Even though the exceptionality of the pandemic has ended, one of the outcomes has been the establishment of a system of data gathering, storage and management for public means, managed by National Authorities, which has technically created a digital contract where the State guarantees citizens' digital rights. This is even more important as we attend to an increase in the digitalization of public services, especially since 2020.The changes were thus promoted in a state of exception during the crisis to regulate Government interference in the citizen's private sphere but have laid a roadmap for the development of the digital framework, which may lead to the conclusion of a digital social contract. The social contract appears in the EU's liberal tradition as a metaphor of the relation between the State and the individual, it defines the notion of sovereignty as the set of rights possessed by the citizen that may be subject to special protection. Hence, the social contract serves as the basis for creating modern societies, yet it is not permanent and can (and will) change when societies change accordingly. Several critiques have been made to the original social contract, creating new and developed contracts, including the class critique (from worker's movements and Marxism during the 19th Century to Piketty's present denouncing of social inequalities), the gender critique (as Carole Pateman's Sexual Contract puts it, the social contract institutionalized patriarchy), the racial critique (where Charles W. Mills develops the gender critique from a racial point of view where the social contract created a system of domination by the Western world) and finally the environmental critique (where its advocates claim for an eco-social contract or a nature social contract that shifts the approach to a bio-centric system). Therefore, the contract serves as a theoretical framework that can be changed, and in this case, it challenges the evolution towards a digital social contract. The evolution of internet and tech structures that support the web and its processes has been marked by three stages: its birth in the 80s by the hand of the State and linked to military research;its deregulation during the 90s and the privatization of the main telecommunications enterprises (in the case of the EU, the digital policy followed this trend);and the consolidation of a digital sphere in the 21st century, where the EU has taken a step back and created a set of instruments to guarantee the protection and freedom of its citizens when they navigate the internet. We can see how the EU has responded to global dynamics at the level of digital regulation, prioritizing today a multistakeholder system with s veral actors, and counterweights and limits for both companies and public administrations in their exchange with users on the internet. With the emergence of new spaces for social relations such as in the digital sphere, new types of sovereignty must be considered in order to guarantee the rights and privacy of users (we must not forget the importance of the separation between spheres, as fear liberalism reminds us, and of limiting exceptionality to those circumstances that really appear as such). Once the foundations on which the model of digital guarantees can be developed have been laid, the next step can be the creation of a real digital contract between users and the state on the internet. However, the contract is but an idea of reason for understanding politics and institutions, which begs the question of what digital politics we aspire to as societies.

"What the bourgeois does complaining... The fascist does smiling”: neo-fascism, international capital, associated bourgeoisie and the Brazilian Unified Health System

This study carries out a critical review by dialectically rehearsing the relationship between international capital, neo-fascism and its repercussions in Brazil, in general, and in public health, in particular. In this sense, this study is divided into three sections. The first section deals with the role of the capital crisis as a trigger for fascism in a Marxist tradition. The second section addresses how neo-fascism emerges as a response to capitalist dynamics in the neoliberal phase of capitalism. And the third section presents some relations between the associated bourgeoisie and its interests in defunding the Unified Health System and taking advantage of the Covid-19 pandemic to take over the government genocidal project. © 2022 Edipucrs. All rights reserved.

Pandemic Capitalism: Metabolic Rift, World-Ecology Crossing Dialectical Biology

In this article, I contrast two of the main schools of thought within eco-Marxism, namely Metabolic Rift (MR) and World-Ecology (WE). These differ above all else in their accounts of the ontological status of society and nature. The Covid-19 pandemic constitutes a moment of concretisation of this long-standing debate, which is able to dissolve at least in part its issues. The article consists of four parts. I begin with a summary of the two schools of thought and their core stances, before proceeding to unpack their respective theoretical points of contention. I subsequently proceed to explore the conceptualisation of health according to the Marxist scientists Richard Levins and Richard Lewontin through the model of dialectical biology. In the third section, I unpack the conceptualisation of the Covid-19 pandemic by the epidemiologist Robert Wallace, before finally concluding with the contrasts of the two schools in the light of dialectical biology. Keywords © 2023 Brill Academic Publishers. All rights reserved.

An Empirical Statistical Research on Digital Reading of College Students Based on Marxism Epistemology

Digital reading by college students has become a basic trend with the development of digitalization and network technology, and its role has become more and more prominent under the influence of COVID-19. From the perspective of Marxism epistemology, this paper conducts a large-scale sample survey and SPSS statistical research. By means of independent sample t-test, variance analysis, multi-corresponding variable analysis and cross-tabulation and other statistical commands, this paper analyzes the pattern, preference and attitude of digital reading among college students. It proposes corresponding countermeasures from three levels of digital content, university library and college students as the subject. © 2022 IEEE.

Biopolitics, essential labor, and the political-economic crises of COVID-19

Biopolitics is the power to control life. In the early global reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic, many people's daily labor functions have been placed into stark relief, with a tripartite typology forming between those labor functions that are "essential," those labor roles that have been lost, and those that have transitioned to an online format. For those whose labor has maintained, as well as those who seek to return to pre-COVID-19 labor conditions, a crude biopolitical calculus takes place where the functioning of our capitalist political economy is weighed against the maintenance of life itself. The current pandemic exposes and highlights many of the unsustainable fault lines characteristic of contemporary capitalism, where the uneven exploitation of labor renders lives associated with some labor functions as more expendable than others. This places us in political-economic crisis, where we have choices to enact more just, equitable, and sustainable systems moving forward. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

The Influence of Integrating the Basic Theory of Marxism into College Students' Mental Health Under the Data Driven and Internet Environment.

Introduction: The Internet has caused a great impact on everyone's psychology. Under this background, it is necessary to study whether Marxism can affect college students' mental health. Methods: Firstly, the introduction explains China's concern for college students' mental health and the research achievements. Then, in the method part, this paper analyzes the thoughts and connotations of basic Marxist theory, quality education, and mental health education, mainly studying the changes brought by the Internet to the development of Marxism and the mechanism and influence of Marxism on mental health education. The questionnaire survey is used to investigate the mental health of college students and the current situation of Marxist ideological and political education. Results: The results show that most college students are not interested in ideological and political education, and from the investigation results of five major factors of life stressors and five indicators of psychological crisis factors, it is concluded that college students' life stressors are the risk factors that induce psychological crisis tendency. Discussion: The discussion part shows that it is necessary to cultivate the core quality of college students' development through Marxism, and pay attention to actively preventing and intervening the psychological crisis of college students. This paper analyzes and confirms the effectiveness of Marxist theory on the development of mental health, injects fresh blood into the future ideological and political education and the research of college students' mental health education, and provides theoretical and experimental reference and new ideas. The research has practical reference value for promoting the deep integration of data-driven Marxist basic theory and college students' mental health monitoring.

Rethinking Queer (Asian) Studies: Geopolitics, Covid-19, and Post-Covid Queer Theories and Mobilities.

This paper considers queer studies in the global geopolitical hotspot of Asia, as well as how we can reimagine queer theories through both the Covid-19 pandemic and the intensified regional and global superpower competition and geopolitical tensions. It argues for a rethinking of queer studies through today's international relations and geopolitical complications in a sociological political economy. The aim is to connect critical studies with analyses of economic and social class structures, an approach that has been substantiated by the current crises, and to present an expanded queer mobility theory with two brief case studies (mini-critiques) of the current socioeconomic conditions facing marginalized people under Covid-19 and the changing geopolitical landscape. In so doing, this paper actively explores what queer studies can do and can be through the current historical turning point of the pandemic and geopolitical rivalry toward potential post-Covid socioeconomic revival and recovery.

Modern Ideological Challenges to the Rule of the Cpc

China's ability to regulate and control the situation in the ideological sphere has increased markedly during the recent decade. At the same time, Chinese society is becoming more and more diverse, which makes social thought more and more heterogeneous. The article focuses on the changes that have taken place in relations between the ideology of CPC and non-official trends of thought. Through publications of Chinese researchers the article analyzes the key aspects of the CPC policy aimed at strengthening the leadership of the official ideology and preventing radicalization of public sentiment. In China experts are especially concerned about the ability of non-mainstream ideas to challenge the "national ideological security". The increase in the influence of official ideology led to weakening of neo-liberalism, universal values, and historical nihilism. However, the mode of interaction between the official ideology of the CPC and other ideological currents cannot be reduced to confrontation between "Chinese authoritarianism" and "Western liberalism". The full picture can be seen only by taking into account the complex relationship of Party ideology with the diverse ideas of the "gray" zone. Intense debates in China are focused on trends that have no clear theoretical basis and political orientation, but are capable to mobilize masses and radicalize public sentiment. The authorities search for optimal response to outbursts of radical Internet-populism while seeking to put nationalism and consumerism into reasonable limits. The reaction of Chinese society to the coronavirus epidemic has demonstrated that at a time of crisis and decrease in people's confidence in the effectiveness of the work of the state there was an explosive growth of pro-Western and populist sentiments. The task of combining the leading role of the normative ideology of the CPC with the diversity of social ideas will remain relevant over a long time.

Karl Marx in the Key of Actuality Resignifications, Decentering and Resistances from the Global South.

Objective: this article aims to respond to resignifications, decentering and resistances experienced in the Global South, and their interrelation with anti-systemic movements as expressions of a growing social nonconformism. Methodology: critical análisis of the writings of theorists such as Marx, Wallerstein, and Hobsbawm with the purpose of discovering new explanations regarding current latent political and socioeconomic problems that have been aggravated by the current COVID-19 pandemic. Results: the existence of expressions of rebellion, in general, constitute anti-systemic movements with the purpose of overthrowing everything that exists and promoting a new historical system different from everything that has been lived. Within the new anti-systemic movements, with a starting timeline that could be set from 2011 in Latin America and the world, there is evidence of a change both in the way of conceiving protest and in the relationship established with other subjects, and with cybernetic technology, or increasingly sophisticated electronic and mechanical communication systems. Conclusions: each social science theorist responds to his time and to the problems of the society of which he is a part. The current era is no exception and aspects of other past actualities are taken up again to understand this increasingly convulsive present with unresolved, long-standing problems, among them, the enormous differences and inequalities between the so-called First World countries and the Global South. (English) [ FROM AUTHOR] Objetivo: en este artículo se pretende dar respuesta a resignificaciones, descentramientos y resistencias vividas en el Sur Global, y su interrelación con los movimientos antisistémicos como expresiones de un creciente inconformismo social. Metodología: se centra en el análisis conceptual de teóricos como Marx, Wallerstein y Hobsbawm, desde sus escritos, con el propósito de descubrir nuevas explicaciones con respecto a problemas políticos y socioeconómicos latentes en el momento actual, los cuales se han visto agravados con la actual pandemia de la COVID-19. Resultados: la existencia de expresiones de rebeldía, en general, se constituyen en movimientos antisistémicos con propósitos de derrumbar todo lo existente y promover un nuevo sistema histórico diferente de todo lo vivido. Dentro de los nuevos movimientos antisistémicos, con una línea temporal de comienzo que se podría fijar desde el año 2011 en América Latina y el mundo, se evidencia un cambio tanto en la forma de concebir la protesta como en la relación que se instaura con los demás sujetos, y con la tecnología cibernética o de sistemas de comunicación electrónicos y mecánicos cada vez más sofisticados. Conclusiones: cada teórico de las ciencias sociales responde a su época y a los problemas propios de la sociedad de la que es parte. La época actual no es la excepción y se retoman aspectos de otras actualidades pasadas para comprender este presente cada vez más convulso y con problemas no resueltos de vieja data, entre ellos, las enormes diferencias y desigualdades entre los denominados países del Primer Mundo y el Sur Global. (Spanish) [ FROM AUTHOR] Objetivo: este artigo visa responder às resignações, descentralização e resistências experimentadas no Sul Global, e suas inter-relações com movimentos anti-sistêmicos como expressões de um crescente não-conformismo social. Metodologia: teóricos como Marx, Wallerstein e Hobsbawm foram analisados a partir de seus escritos com o objetivo de descobrir novas explicações sobre os atuais problemas políticos e sócio-econômicos latentes, que foram agravados pela atual pandemia da COVID-19. Resultados: a existência de expressões de rebelião, em geral, constituem movimentos anti-sistêmicos com o propósito de derrubar tudo o que existe e promover um novo sistema histórico que seja diferente de tudo o que foi vivenciado. Dentro dos novos movimentos anti-sistêmicos, com uma cronologia que poderia ser definida a partir de 2011 na América Latina e no mundo, há evidências de uma mudança tanto na forma de conceber o protesto quanto na relação que se estabelece com outros sujeitos, e com a tecnologia cibernética ou sistemas de comunicação eletrônica e mecânica cada vez mais sofisticados. Conclusões: cada teórico das ciências sociais responde a sua própria época e aos problemas da sociedade da qual ele faz parte. A era atual não é exceção, e aspectos de outras realidades do passado são retomados a fim de compreender este presente cada vez mais convulsivo com seus problemas há muito pendentes, incluindo as enormes diferenças e desigualdades entre os chamados países do Primeiro Mundo e o Sul Global. (Portuguese) [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Ánfora is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Manizales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Philology and Microhistory: A Conversation with Carlo Ginzburg

In this Philological Conversation, Carlo Ginzburg reflects on the place of philology in his work and explores the connections between philology, microhistory, and casuistry. We talk about the people who inspired his early thinking, including his father Leone Ginzburg, his mother Natalia, and his grandfather, moving on to Erich Auerbach, Leo Spitzer, and Sebastiano Timpanaro. We discuss the ethical and political implications of his research and reflect on the power of philology to give voice to the marginalized and suppressed. The conversation, which was edited for readability, took place during the Corona pandemic over three meetings via Zoom on July 13, September 10, and September 17, 2021.

“WHAT GHOSTS ARE HAUNTING US TODAY?” SLAVOJ ŽIŽEK’S the RELEVANCE of the COMMUNIST MANIFESTO in POST-PANDEMIC CAPITALIST REALISM. The REVOLUTIONARY SUBJECT and WORK

However controversial a topic, Marxist thought still remains the most complex tool for the critique of Capitalism. Derrida calls Marxism “hauntological”, always reappearing as a spectre of the past, always quasi-present, but also as a potential lost future. After the dismantling of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, the relevance of The Communist Manifesto seemed to have slowly waned, in a world that adopted the tenets of Neoliberalism partly as a defense against authoritarian regimes, and partly as a mean to converge toward the countries at the forefront of the global system, that had already accrued a massive lead in economic and social development. The Covid-19 virus has shocked the world to its core, but it remains to be seen whether it has brought about a paradigm shift or it has merely accentuated some of the past problems, while also triggering a kind of forced nostalgia for the apparent normality of a system that was already ridden with issues. Mark Fisher points out that “it’s easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism” (Fisher 1), thus indicating the need for criticism and measures against a neoliberal monopoly on thought itself. As for Žižek’s The Relevance of the Communist Manifesto, it remains to be analyzed whether it can revive the interest in the original text, as to begin compounding a viable alternative for a post-pandemic global system that does not yet seem to fully grasp that it is running out of time. © 2021 Universitatae din Bucuresti. All rights reserved.

Seeing with the Pandemic: Social Reproduction in the Spotlight

[...]even as appreciation washes through, reproductive care workers are increasingly stepping out to say that garlands are not enough.1 This emergent public reckoning comes on the heels of an extended scholarly rethinking of capitalism, as a growing group of scholars argue that capitalism is always already embedded in gendered and racialized relations of extraction and expropriation.2 Especially generative has been Karl Marx's remarkable historical account of capitalism's origins in a process he dubbed "primitive accumulation. "3 Intent on forestalling moralistic justifications for the system's origins, Marx argued that elites used a combination of land expropriation and violent vagrancy policing to produce both the starter capital and the "free labor" needed to bring that capital to life. Since Rosa Luxemburg, scholars have expanded that account to challenge the more and teleological formulations contained in other parts of Marx's larger oeuvre.4 Rather than see primitive accumulation as focused exclusively on domestic processes and ownership relations, subsequent theorists have pointed to the transnational, racialized, colonial, and gendered processes that characterized its emergence, along with the persistence of these putatively time-limited processes throughout capitalism's existence.5 Prompted by the deep inequities of neoliberalism, David Harvey has argued that the present, in fact, is best understood as a new episode of primitive accumulation, which he names "accumulation by dispossession. The term social reproduction first emerged in the 1970s and 1980s in the writings of Wages for Housework and Marxist feminist theorists.7 Focused on the work it takes to make and remake people, "reproductive labor," these social reproduction theorists located an essential dynamic of capitalist accumulation in the production rather than the exploitation of labor power. Like other elements of primitive accumulation, one of the distinctive features of reproductive labor is that it is not "free labor" in the sense defined by Marx.9 A fundamental feature of the workings of capitalist labor, he argued, was that "the worker leaves the capitalist to whom he hires himself whenever he likes . . . but he cannot leave the whole class of purchasers . . . without renouncing his existence.

Scotland’s Independence and the Poetry of Hugh MacDiarmid

In the recent parliamentary elections (2021), the Scottish National Party (SNP) won by far the largest number of seats (64), with the Scottish Labour Party, once the dominant political force in Scotland, reduced to 22. In Ireland, the pro-independence republican Sinn Fein, the second biggest party in the country, is calling for a vote on Ulster’s split from the United Kingdom and reunification with Southern Ireland. Independence is in the air and there is now a real prospect of the break-up of imperial Britain. At the same time, the Left in Scotland is still divided over the issue of independence. The clash of opinion in Scotland is certainly understandable given the deep-seated scepticism about the radical credentials of the SNP who have previously promoted neoliberal policies, not least with regard to Scotland’s rich North Sea oil and gas reserves. The ongoing crisis in relation to Brexit and the COVID pandemic has also deepened this process of political, social and economic fragmentation. I want therefore to situate this debate about national self-determination in the context of some classic Marxist interventions on the question. The discussion will also be linked to the figure of Hugh MacDiarmid (1892–1978), Scotland’s most controversial modernist poet, whose combination of communist and nationalist engagement will hopefully help throw a clearer literary and political light on the troubled relationship between Scotland and England. While European Marxism has been generally sensitive to the rights of small nations, it still seems necessary to clarify some of the important ideological distinctions between bourgeois and working-class national liberation. Taken together, these different threads provide a sustained argument about the need to support Scottish independence, much in the same way as the cause of Irish independence has been part of the left political agenda in Britain and elsewhere since the time of Marx.

THE ELEMENTS OF THE CHINA CHALLENGE: READING THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION'S CHINA POLICY TESTAMENT

Between 2017 and 2021 Donald Trump's administration published over a dozen strategic documents on China among which The Elements ofthe China Challenge seems to stand out as it outlines a longer perspective and sketches a wider framework for US policy towards China. This paper attempts to examine the major assumptions of The Elements, arguing that by putting forward an anti-imperialist rhetoric, the American policy-makers want to emphasize the systemic differences with China, the importance of which have long been underplayed by Western policy-makers who have given precedence to economic considerations. However, the analysis also gives weight to the argument that the strong ideological appeal in The Elements is also intended to mobilize the American allies, anchor them to the leader of the "free world" and reduce their tendencies to cooperate with China, including in 5G technology as in the case of Central and Eastern Europe.

The Anti-Bureaucratic Ghost in China's Bureaucratic Machine

The Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) ideology, rooted in its foundational struggles, explicitly denounces “bureaucratism” (guanliaozhuyi) as an intrinsic ailment of bureaucracy. Yet while the revolutionary Party has blasted bureaucratism, its revolutionary regime has had to find a way to coexist with bureaucracy, which is a requisite for effective governance. An anti-bureaucratic ghost thus dwells in the machinery of China's bureaucratic state. We analyse the CCP's anti-bureaucratism through two steps. First, we perform a historical analysis of the Party's anti-bureaucratic ideology, teasing out its substance and emphasizing its roots in and departures from European Marxism and Leninism. Second, we trace both the continuity and evolution in the Party's anti-bureaucratic rhetoric, taking an interactive approach that combines close reading with computational analysis of the entire corpus of the People's Daily (1947–2020). We find striking endurance as well as subtle shifts in the substance of the CCP's anti-bureaucratic ideology. We show that bureaucratism is an umbrella term that expresses the revolutionary Party's anxiety about losing its popular legitimacy. Yet the substance of the Party's concern evolved from commandism and revisionism under Mao, to corruption and formalism during reform. The Party's ongoing critiques of bureaucratism and formalism unfold in parallel fashion with its efforts to standardize, regularize and institutionalize the state.